The untold story from Uttarakhand - The Hindu

The untold story from Uttarakhand - The Hindu

तन्हाई. -- फैज़ अहमद फैज़

तन्हाई.

कौन आया दिल-ए-जार, नहीं कोई नहीं

राहरौ होगा, कहीं और चला जायेगा

ढल  चुकी रात,बिखरने लगा तारों का गुबार
लडखडाने लगे, ऐवानों  में ख्वाबीदा चिराग
सो गई रस्ता, तक तक के हर इक राहगुजार
अजनबी खाक ने, धुंधला दिए कदमों के सुराग
गुल करो शम्एँ, बढ़ा दो मय-ओ-मीना-ओ-अयाग
अपने बेख्वाब किवाडों को, मुक़फ्फल कर लो
अब यहाँ कोई नहीं कोई नहीं आएगा

- फैज़ अहमद फैज़ 

Tanhaai....

Kaun aayaa dil e jaar, nahin koi naheen,

Raahrau hogaa, kaheen aur chalaa jaayegaa.

Dhal chkee raat, bikharne lagaa taaron kaa gubaar,

Lad’khadaane lage aiwaanon mein khwaabeedaa chiraag,

So gayee rastaa, tak tak ke hare k raahguzar,

Aznabee khaaq ne dhundhlaa diye kadmon ke chiraagh,

Gul karo shamaayen,  badhaa do may o meenaa o ayaag,

Apne bekhwaab kiwaadon ko muqaffal kar lo,

Ab yahaan koi naheen, koi nahin aayegaa....

-Faiz Ahamad Faiz.

The Trouble Within Islam By Tony Blair Former PM UK.

There is only one view of the murder of the British soldier Lee Rigby on a south London street three weeks ago: horrific.

But there are two views of its significance. One is that it was an act by crazy people, motivated in this case by a perverted notion of Islam but of no broader significance. Crazy people do crazy things, so don't overreact. The other view is that the ideology that inspired the murder of Rigby is profoundly dangerous.

I am of the latter view. Of course, we shouldn't overreact. We didn't after the July 7, 2005, attacks on London's public-transport system. But we did act. And we were right to do so. The actions of Britain's security services undoubtedly prevented other serious attacks. The "Prevent" program in local communities was sensible.

The government's new measures seem reasonable and proportionate as well. But we are deluding ourselves if we believe that we can protect Britain simply by what we do at home. The ideology is out there. It is not diminishing.

Consider the Middle East. Syria now is in a state of accelerating disintegration. Syrian President Bashar Assad is brutally pulverizing entire communities that are hostile to his regime. At least 93,000 people have died, there are almost 1.5 million refugees, and the number of internally displaced persons has risen to more than 4 million. Many in the region believe that Assad's aim is to cleanse the Sunni from the areas dominated by his regime and form a separate state around Lebanon. There would then be a de facto Sunni state in the rest of Syria, cut off from the country's wealth and access to the sea.

The Syrian opposition comprises many groups. But the fighters associated with the al Qaida-affiliated group Jabhat al-Nusra are generating growing support, including arms and money from outside the country.

Assad is using chemical weapons on a limited but deadly scale. Some of the stockpiles are in fiercely contested areas.

The West's overwhelming desire to stay out of it is completely understandable. But we must also understand that we are at the beginning of this tragedy. Its capacity to destabilize the region is clear. Jordan is behaving with exemplary courage, but there is a limit to the number of refugees that it can reasonably be expected to absorb. Lebanon is now fragile as Iran pushes Hezbollah into the battle. Al Qaida is again trying to cause carnage in Iraq, while Iran continues its meddling there.

Meanwhile, in Egypt and across North Africa, Muslim Brotherhood parties are in power, but the contradiction between their ideology and their ability to run modern economies has fueled growing instability and pressure from more extreme groups.

Then there is the Iranian regime, still intent on getting a nuclear weapon, and still exporting terror and instability. In sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria is facing gruesome terror attacks. In Mali, France fought a tough battle to prevent extremists from overrunning the country.

Then there is Pakistan and Yemen. Farther east, a border war between Burma and Bangladesh is simmering. And recent events in Bangladesh itself or in the Muslim-majority Mindanao region of the Philippines extend the list further.

In many of the most severely affected areas, one other thing is apparent: a rapidly growing population. The median age in the Middle East is in the mid-20s. In Nigeria, it is 19. In Gaza, where Hamas holds power, a quarter of the population is under five.

When I return to Jerusalem soon, it will be my 100th visit to the Middle East since leaving office, working to build a Palestinian state. I see firsthand what is happening in this region.

So I understand the desire to look at this world and explain it by reference to local grievances, economic alienation, and, of course, "crazy people." But can we really find no common thread, nothing that connects the dots of conflict, no sense of an ideology driving or at least exacerbating it all?

There is not a problem with Islam. For those of us who have studied it, there is no doubt about its true and peaceful nature. There is not a problem with Muslims in general. Most in Britain are horrified at Rigby's murder.

But there is a problem within Islam, and we have to put it on the table and be honest about it. There are, of course, Christian extremists and Jewish, Buddhist and Hindu ones as well. But I am afraid that the problematic strain within Islam is not the province of a few extremists. It has at its heart a view of religion that is not compatible with pluralistic, liberal and open-minded societies. At the extreme end of the spectrum are terrorists, but the worldview goes deeper and wider than it is comfortable for us to admit. So by and large, we don't admit it.

This has two effects. First, those who hold extreme views believe that we are weak, and that gives them strength. Second, those Muslims — and the good news is that there are many — who know the problem exists, and want to do something about it, lose heart.

Throughout the Middle East and beyond, a struggle is playing out. On one side, there are Islamists and their exclusivist and reactionary worldview. They comprise a significant minority, loud and well organized. On the other side are the modern-minded: those who hated the old oppression by corrupt dictators and despise the new oppression by religious fanatics. They are potentially the majority, but, unfortunately, they are badly organized.

The seeds of future fanaticism and terror — possibly even major conflict — are being sown. Our task is to help sow the seeds of reconciliation and peace. But clearing the ground for peace is not always peaceful.

The long and hard conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq have made Western powers wary of foreign intervention. But we should never forget why these conflicts were long and hard: We allowed failed states to come into being.

While he was leader of Iraq, Saddam Hussein was responsible for two major wars in which hundreds of thousands died, many by chemical weapons. The Taliban grew out of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and turned the country into a training ground for terror. Once these regimes were removed, both countries began to struggle against the same forces promoting violence and terror in the name of religion everywhere.

Not every engagement need be military, and not every military engagement must involve troops. But disengaging from this struggle won't bring us peace.

Neither will security alone. While revolutionary communism was resisted by resoluteness on security, it was ultimately defeated by a better idea: freedom. The same can be done here. The better idea is a modern view of religion and its place in society and politics — a model based on respect and equality among people of different faiths. Religion may have a voice in the political system, but it must not govern it.

We have to start with children, here and abroad. That is why I established a foundation whose specific purpose is to educate children of different faiths around the world to learn about each other and live with each other. We are now in 20 countries, and the programs work. But it is a drop in the ocean compared with the flood of intolerance taught to so many.

Now more than ever, we have to be strong, and we have to be strategic.

(Tony Blair was British prime minister from 1997 to 2007)

Cartoonscape, June 24, 2013 - The Hindu

Cartoonscape, June 24, 2013 - The Hindu

Public Appeal by R.B. SREEKUMAR, FORMER DGP, GUJARAT

Public Appeal by R.B. SREEKUMAR, FORMER DGP, GUJARAT

APPEAL TO ALL BY R.B. SREEKUMAR, former Director General Police, Gujarat

1. For enfeebling the validity and credibility of evidence presented by me to Judicial & Investigating bodies and to denigrate my image, the publicity managers of the Chief Minister of Gujarat State, Shri Narendra Modi and the Sangh Parivar, are widely propagating many lies about the motive and time frame of submission of evidence by me against authors of 2002 anti-minority bloodbath. A totally blatant falsehood spread about me is that I had brought out incriminating material against those responsible for 2002 carnage and subsequent subversion of the Criminal Justice System (CJS) ONLY after my super-cession in promotion to the rank of Director General of Police (DGP) in February, 2005. This contention is utterly baseless, false, malicious and misleading.

2. The real truth in this matter is given below:-

3. When targeted violence was started against the minorities in the afternoon of 27th February, 2002, I was working as Addl. DGP (ADGP) Armed Units (AU) – a post having no authority to intervene in policing functions relating to maintenance of public order.

4. I was posted as, ADGP (Intelligence) – In-charge of the State Intelligence Bureau (SIB), on 09/04/2002. Within a couple of days I had submitted reports, as per my charter of duties, under Rule-461 of the Gujarat Police Manual (GPM) Vol-III, to the State Government and DGP about involvement of the Sangh Parivar supporters in riots, manipulation of CJS to deny, derail and delay justice delivery to riot victim survivors, plan of communal elements – both Hindu & Muslim – to indulge in violence and so on.

5. A few illustrative cases of data in important reports sent by me about the then prevailing situation, containing analytical, preventive, prognostic advance real time intelligence are given below:

a) On 24/04/2002, an elaborate assessment report delineating maladies in the CJS and deviant actions of Police Officers and other Government Officials like Public Prosecutors, impeding justice delivery to the riot-affected was sent to the State Government and DGP Shri K. Chakravarti with specific suggestions for initiating remedial measures (see Appendix-24 of my First Affidavit dated 15/07/2002).

b) Another situation appraisal report was sent by me on 15/06/2002, to DGP & State Government, insisting upon implementing earlier suggested corrective measures immediately to curb the anti-minority posture of Government servants. (see Appendix-IV of my Second Affidavit dated 06/10/2004).

c) A note captioned “Actionable Points” – listing out corrective measures to counter anti-minority approach of Police was submitted by me to Shri K.P.S. Gill, IPS, Former DGP Punjab, the then Advisor to CM Gujarat on 10/05/2002 (see Appendix-III of my Second Affidavit). One suggestion about transfer of officers from Ahmedabad City in the Note was implemented and this action had accelerated the process of establishment of normalcy in Ahmedabad City.

d) Numerous pin-pointed advance real time preventive intelligence reports about plans of Hindu-Muslim militant elements were provided to DGP and field officers (see para-8 of my Second Affidavit).

e) Numerous proposals for initiating action against those circulating communally inciting literature and publishing similar media reports were sent to State Government through DGP for initiating action against them. But the Government did nothing in this matter so far (see para-36 of my First Affidavit and Exhibits No.5635 & 5636 of my deposition before Justice Nanavati Commission (hear-in-after referred to as JNC) on 31/08/2004).

6. On 15/07/2002, I submitted my First Affidavit to JNC in which I appended all important reports sent by me about anti-minority tactics of police officers and others, despite verbal instructions from superior officers for not including such reports in my Affidavit.

7. On 09/08/2002, I made a presentation to the full bench of the Central Election Commission (CEC) chaired by Shri J.M. Lyngdoh, the Chief Election Commissioner. I had disobeyed the illegal verbal instructions of higher officers to paint a picture of total normalcy in Gujarat State for misleading the CEC, so that, the Commission could order holding of early Assembly Election, perhaps for capitalising on the upswing of Hindu communal mobilisation, to obtain electoral dividends. In fact, I had presented data about tension prevailing in 154 out of 182 Assembly Constituencies and related facts. The CEC had accepted my version and acknowledged it in its order dated 16/08/2002 – para-20, 32, declaring that my presentation had falsified the information provided by the State Government (see Annexure-I to my Representation to the HE Governor of Gujarat on 09/12/2012, under the heading ‘Representation to other Authorities’).

8. From 16/08/2002, the day of issuance of CEC order postponing Gujarat Assembly Election, the State Home Department intensified its move to victimise me by asking explanations and launching enquiries on trivial administrative matters, against me. They are –

1) Seeking explanation on my “slackness”in supervision of SIB Control Room staff who sent a secret message through Fax to field officers (Control Room is manned by Head Constables),

2) Finding fault for my failure to report about an enquiry on an investigation of a spy case during my deputation posting with the Central IB, though officers are debarred from reporting such matters to the State Government as per Government of India, DPAR order No.5/21/52/AIS-III dated 04/12/1972,

3) Questioning my act of reporting to CP Ahmedabad, against the then Ahmedabad City Crime Branch DIG, Shri D.G. Vanjara, regarding his alleged planting of fire arms on Muslims on the Rath Yatra Day in July, 2002 and arresting them. (see for details my Third Affidavit Annexure-Ç’& ‘D’)

9. In September, 2002, during the Gaurav Yatra organised by BJP (to express pride and joy over mass killing of minorities!!!), the CM Shri Narendra Modi delivered speeches wounding feelings of Muslim community in Mehsana district. I had sent a report to DGP and Government in this matter as per Government regulations about hate speeches on 12/09/2002. I had cautioned the authorities in this report that the style of language used by the CM in his speeches would adversely affect the prevailing communal situation and vitiate the social ambience. Meanwhile, The National Commission of Minorities (NCM) asked the State Government for providing the full text of CM speech with English translation and audio recording. DGP then verbally asked me to report falsely that SIB was not having the relevant material on CM speech. I had asked for written orders from DGP as his verbal orders were contrary to regulations in this matter. On 13/09/2002, DGP had sent a vague written order indicating that ”we do not have to sent any report in this regard”.

Nevertheless I did not comply with these illegal written orders as these were in violation of circulars on handling of communal situation issued by Govt. of India, Rules of GPM and booklet on containment of communalism by DGP K.V. Joseph. So I despatched a detailed report about the relevant CM speech with audio cassettes and English translation to DGP and Government on 16/09/2002. I was transferred to the post of ADGP (Police Reforms) – an assignment without any charter of duties on 17/09/2002 night by the Government. My transfer was in violation of the State Government resolution dated 26/02/2002 fixing 03 years as minimum tenure of IPS officers in SIB and I had completed only five months and ten days in SIB at that point of time.

10. In July, 2004, the State Government had enlarged the terms of reference to the JNS by bringing the role of the CM Gujarat, Ministers and Senior officers in the ambit of enquiry. Soon DGP Shri A.K. Bhargava had issued written orders directing all Police officers who filed the First Affidavit to file Second Affidavit in relation to extended terms of reference to JNC. However, in tune with the duplicity of the State Government, DGP verbally instructed all to ignore his written orders and avoid filing Affidavits. But I had complied with DGP’s written orders and filed my Second Affidavit to JNC on 06/10/2004 in which I presented further evidence on the failure of the State Government in not taking remedial measures to correct the anti-riot victim approach of the functionaries in the CJS (see copies of such reports as Appendix-II, IV, V & VII of my Second Affidavit).

11. In August, 2004, I was summoned by JNC for cross examining me on the data in my First Affidavit. Soon senior Police officers, two officials from Home Department – Shri Dinesh Kapadia, Under Secretary and Shri G.C. Murmu, IAS, Home Secretary along with Shri Arvind Pandiya, Advocate representing Government in JNC had persuaded, cajoled, tutored and even intimidated me for speaking in favour of the State Government during my cross examination by JNC on 31/08/2004(audio records of tutoring interaction is available). However, I did not comply with the illegal directions by Home Department officials. I provided addition information on undesirable and objectionable role of Government officials in the riots along with four documents as exhibits during my cross examination.

12. Submission of my Second Affidavit and non-compliance of instructions by Home Department officials against providing information about culpable actions of Government servants during riots to JNC had further annoyed the State Government. So the Home Department restarted an enquiry against me on the issue of reporting alleged illegal act of planting illicit fire arms on Muslims in Ahmedabad City on Rath Yatra day in July, 2002 by DIG, D.G. Vanjara. It is relevant to note that my report on this alleged deviant act of Vanjara is the only report against him in the Department at that juncture. Perhaps, had State Government taken notice of my report against Vanjara and taken action against him he would not have dared to indulge in the misadventure of staging fake encounter killings from October, 2002 to the time of his arrest in April, 2007. Considering his extra-hierarchal accessibility to and rapport with senior leaders in the political bureaucracy in the State Government even his senior officers avoided reporting against him and had always turned a Nelson’s eye to his alleged misconduct and illegal deeds. So my act of sending a report against Vanjara was deemed as “misconduct” by the State Government, though he was two ranks junior to me and Government restarted an enquiry against me.

13. I had submitted a detailed reply, on 30th November, 2004, to memo issued to me by the Principal Secretary, Home Department, Shri K.C. Kapoor, informing him that DGP had adjudged my act of sending a report against Vanjara as an action,” done in good faith as part of routine duties”. I also added that Government was victimizing me as I did not comply with illegal instructions regarding submission of Second Affidavit and deposition before JNC. I further submitted that if the State Government continued to persecute me I would be constrained to bring more information about illegal verbal orders given to me and evidence of tutoring and intimidation imposed on me by State Government Home Department officials.

14. The failure of the State Government to take remedial measures suggested in my situation reports had only resulted in the riot victims approaching the Apex Court for ordering corrective action to improve the maladies in CJS of Gujarat State. The Apex Court had passed serious strictures against the State Government since 2004 and issued orders for –

1) Transfer of trial of two cases to Maharashtra State.

2) Investigation of one mass rape case (Bilkis Bano case) by CBI

3) Re-investigation of 2000 odd cases closed by Gujarat Police

4) Entrusting investigation of nine major carnage cases to the Special Investigation Team (SIT) chaired by Dr. R.K. Raghavan, Former CBI Director.

5) Investigation of two fake encounter cases by CBI

6) Appointment of a Specail Task Force (STF), headed by Justice Bedi to probe into 17 alleged fake encounters cases in Gujarat from October, 2002 to February 2007.

15. In the judgement of Naroda Patia massacre case (96 killed), the Special Court (Judge Dr. Jyotsna Yagnik) severely criticized Gujarat Police for their anti-minority bias, faulty investigation and acts of favouritism towards Hindu accused persons. Such professional lapses would not have damaged the standard and quality of investigation of riot cases had the State Government implemented corrective measures proposed in my reports to the Government, submitted from April to August, 2002.

16. The State government had not so far questioned the veracity of material in my Nine Affidavits – four submitted while I was in service and five after my retirement in February, 2007.

17. A study of above narrated facts should convince anybody that the false propaganda against me by the Sangh Pariwar that I had come out against Modi Government’s culpable role in riots and subversion of CJS only after my supersession in promotion to the rank of DGP is totally false, baseless and fraudulently malevolent and was fabricated to damage my image and credibility.

18. The purpose of filing my Third Affidavit to JNC on 09/04/2005, as explained in its forwarding letter, was to bring to the notice of JNC, the back ground and reason behind the State Governments unwarranted acts of victimisation inflicted on me. I had expressed my apprehension about the ‘the possibility of the State Government initiating further tormenting action against me, in this Affidavit and requested the Commission to take suitable remedial action in this matter. Unfortunately, JNC did not take any action to protect me, even though all witnesses providing truthful evidence to the Judicial Commission is protected from any criminal or civil proceedings under section 6 of the Commission of Enquiry Act.

19. True to my apprehension the State Government had served me 9 point charge sheet in September, 2005 for dismissing me from service. I brought this to the notice of JNC with my explanation through my Fourth Affidavit.

20. Nevertheless, I could win my case against supersession in a prolonged legal battle up to the Apex Court, though I could get my regular pension and retirement benefits only after 18 months of my retirement. The Central Administrative Tribunal (CAT) Ahmedabad had quashed the charge sheet served on me and the Hon’ble High Court of Gujarat had refused to impose stay orders on CAT judgement.

21. Thus, it may be seen that my supersession in February, 2005 was an outcome of my refusal to comply with illegal verbal orders of the State Government authority and submission of a lot of incriminating evidence about the culpable role of functionaries in Modi Government in the riots and subversion of CJS, to Judicial bodies. Moreover, information and documents provided in my all four affidavits, submitted while I was in service was pertaining to a period from February, 2002 to September, 2002 and I was bypassed in promotion in February, 2005 only.

22. In the career of an IPS officer, the most decisive post of public order maintenance is the duty of Superintendent of Police (SP) of a district. I had served as SP in seven districts of Gujarat – Valsad, Amreli, Bhavnagar, Ahmedabad City, Mehsana, Kheda and Kutch. No prolonged disruption of public order or communal strife was reported during my tenure in these districts. Numerous commendation letters were received from authorities for my appreciable performance and I was also decorated with two President’s Police Medals.

23. In Kutch district, certain persons arrested for preventing escalation of communal disturbance, belonging to Hindus and Muslims, in 1986, had filed false cases against me and other police officers. However, the Court had discharged me and others following the due process of law in 2007. During my tenure in Kutch as SP, in a special drive 118 illegal Pakistani settlers were detected and deported. Five espionage cases were also made out in collaboration with Central IB and four of these cases were convicted. The then Director Intelligence Bureau, Shri H.A. Barari, (later Governor Haryana) had liberally rewarded Gujarat Police for this remarkable work and had taken me on deputation to IB from 1987 to 2000.

24. In January, 2001, I was deputed by the then Gujarat Chief Minister Shri Keshubhai Patel to supervise police work relating to relief and rescue operations, following a major earthquake on 26/01/2001 in Kutch district. Later the CM Shri Narendra Modi, inducted me in December, 2001 as a member in a committee headed by Shri R.C. Mehta, Former Special Director IB, to make proposals for revamping the State Intelligence Branch. So it is clear that I became a persona non grata to Modi Government only after I send reports against involvement of Government officials and Sangh Parivar supporters in the riots, being devoted to my oath of allegiance to the letter and spirit of the Constitution of India.

25. May I request those engaged in vilification campaigns against me, by spreading vicious rumours, to appreciate voluminous evidence against the planners, perpetrators and facilitators of 2002 anti-minority mass violence and on subsequent subversion CJS, marshalled by me in my Nine Affidavits to JNC (663 pages) and in numerous other reports to SIT, in the perspective of the Rule of Law, rectitude and truthfulness and acted as per the stipulations of the Article-51A of the Constitution of India.

26. The Father of the Nation – Mahatma Gandhi, started his spiritual odyssey on the maxim “God is Truth” and had progressively later realised that “Truth is God”. Speak Truth and move righteously-Satyam vada, Dharmam chara. (Upanishad)

आओ एक बार !!

दोस्तों पावस आ गया है . इस पर यह छोटी सी रचना पढ़ें . कुछ अलग शैली की है . आशा है आप को पसंद आयेगी ....

आओ एक बार !!

चंचल बादल ,

अल्हड पावस ,

रिमझिम रिमझिम ,

बिखरा मन !

मदिर मधुर ,

स्वप्निल रात ,

एक इन्द्रधनुष 

जगाये आस !

उद्वेलित मन ,

हर्षित तन ,

बीतते क्षण

बेताब नयन !

बरसों बाद ,

गहरा सिन्धु ,

तुम उस पार ,

नहीं कोई सेतु !

गहन अन्धकार ,

सब निर्विकार ,

उमड़ता प्यार ,

आओ, एक बार !!

-vss

------------------

Aao ek baar.

Chanchal  baadal,

alhad  paawas ,

rimjhim rimjhim,

bikharaa man !

Madir, madhur,

swapnil raat,

ek indradhanush,

jag gayee aas !

Udwelit man,

chanchal tan,

beetate chhan

betaab nayan !

barson baad.

Gahraa sindhu,

tum us paar !

nahin koi setu !

Gahan andhkaar,

sab nirvikaar,

umadataa pyaar,

aao ek baar !

 -vss

हम खड़े थे कि ये ज़मीं होगी...Ham Kade the ki zameen hogee..(Roman below)

हम खड़े थे कि ये ज़मीं होगी...

आज वीरान अपना घर देखा
तो कई बार झाँक कर देखा

पाँव टूटे हुए नज़र आये
एक ठहरा हुआ सफ़र देखा

होश में आ गए कई सपने
आज हमने वो खँडहर देखा

रास्ता काट कर गई बिल्ली
प्यार से रास्ता अगर देखा

नालियों में हयात देखी है
गालियों में बड़ा असर देखा

उस परिंदे को चोट आई तो
आपने एक-एक पर देखा

हम खड़े थे कि ये ज़मीं होगी
चल पड़ी तो इधर-उधर देखा.
-दुष्यंत कुमार


Ham khade the ki,ye zameen hogee.

Aap veeraan apnaa ghar dekhaa
To kai baar jhaank kar dekha.

Paaon toote huye nazar aaye
To ek thaharaa huaa safar dekhaa.

Hosh mein aa gaye wo kai sapne,
Aaj hamne wo tootaa huaa khandahar dekhaa.

Rastaa kaat kar gayee billi,
Pyaar se agar raastaa dekhaa.

Naaliyon mein hayaat dekhi hai,
Gaaliyon mein badaa asar dekhaa.

Us Paride ko chot aayee to
Aap ne ek ek par dekhaa.

Ham khade the ki ye zameen hogee,
Chal padee to idhar udhar dekhaa.
-Dushyant Kumar.

Tell me I am mad by Surjit S Bhalla

(Indian Express)
How do Nitish Kumar and L.K. Advani become secular? How does rainfall determine monetary policy? 

When I woke up this morning/ Secularism was on my mind/ So I went to Nitish/ Just to ease my pain (with apologies to We Five, "You were on my mind")

If I had enough hair, I would tear it out. Several "events" of the last few days I am just not able to understand. See if you can. Top of my madness list is the behaviour of Nitish Kumar, Bihar chief minister and wannabe PM. Everybody wants to be PM, just like everybody "must" get stoned. So that is not the problem. The issue is the reason given for Nitish to be a born-again secularist. After being a pseudo-secularist for the last 17 years (being pseudo comes with the territory of being with the BJP), Nitish appears to have suddenly discovered religion. Though we may never know the real reasons, most people see his actions as something less than rank opportunism. The Congress is short of candidates

for PM — does he possibly see himself as a Congress-front candidate (all

puns intended)?

Along the same lines has been the Congress-friendly media's response to L.K. Advani's tantrums. The most amusing aspect about the "Sonia is happy" networks was their projection of Advani as the ultimate secularist. The man singly responsible for Babri Masjid — which then led to the Mumbai communal riots, which then possibly influenced the Godhra riots. The man who chose disturbing yatras over fasts as

his main weapon of political destruction. He is the new Congress icon of secularism?

Can we all be honest and forbid

When I woke up this morning/ Secularism was on my mind/ So I went to Nitish/ Just to ease my pain (with apologies to We Five, "You were on my mind")

If I had enough hair, I would tear it out. Several "events" of the last few days I am just not able to understand. See if you can.

Top of my madness list is the behaviour of Nitish Kumar, Bihar chief minister and wannabe PM. Everybody wants to be PM, just like everybody "must" get stoned. So that is not the problem. The issue is the reason given for Nitish to be a born-again secularist. After being a pseudo-secularist for the last 17 years (being pseudo comes with the territory of being with the BJP), Nitish appears to have suddenly discovered religion. Though we may never know the real reasons, most people see his actions as something less than rank opportunism. The Congress is short of candidates for PM — does he possibly see himself as a Congress-front candidate (all puns intended)?

Along the same lines has been the Congress-friendly media's response to L.K. Advani's tantrums. The most amusing aspect about the "Sonia is happy" networks was their projection of Advani as the ultimate secularist. The man singly responsible for Babri Masjid — which then led to the Mumbai communal riots, which then possibly influenced the Godhra riots. The man who chose disturbing yatras over fasts as his main weapon of political destruction. He is the new Congress icon of secularism?

Can we all be honest and forbid the use of the S-word in our political discourse? Apart from delightedly watching all the Congress leaders and Lalu and Mulayam and now Nitish squirm while they attempt to find a new vocabulary with which to communicate with the masses, the banning of the S-word will also help our democracy. The leaders of all stripes will be forced to communicate on issues and not on empty platitudes. So my question to journalists and politicians and spokespersons is: since we get nothing, and actually negative nothings from insipid discussions about secularism, can we ban its usage? If you disagree, call me mad.

Banning the S-word will also help in discussing communal riots and mass killings objectively rather than suggesting that "the Mumbai riots were secular and Godhra riots not secular". There should be an objective comparison between the three major "communal" events of the last 30 years — the pogrom against the Sikhs in 1984, and the communal riots in Mumbai 1992-93, and Godhra-Gujarat, 2002. If Narendra Modi has to be congratulated on any issue, it is in forcing the Indian media to confront the comparison. Let us get some simple facts straight (else call me mad) — there is no comparison between the Sikh pogrom and the communal riots. Note: one was a pogrom, the others were communal clashes. The dictionary defines a pogrom as "the organised killing of many helpless people usually because of their race or religion". That is what happened in the capital of India in 1984. The army wasn't called in until five days after the killing had started. The number of helpless Sikhs killed — close to 8,000 with about 3,000 in Delhi alone. In other words, there were more innocent Sikhs killed in the pogrom in Delhi than in the Mumbai and Godhra riots put together — about 2,000 killed, including about 1,500 Muslims and 500 Hindus. Note that both Hindus and Muslims were killed in Mumbai-Godhra — unlike the killing of only Sikhs in the pogrom.

My plea is that we recognise that atrocities have been committed under the watch of both political parties — the Congress was ruling India and Delhi during both the Sikh pogrom and the Mumbai riots and Modi was at the helm in Gujarat in 2002. It is time for truth and reconciliation, rather than arrogant holier-than-thou pronouncements from political leaders. Again, let us shift the debate to governance rather than indulge in vacuous polemics about bad morality.

And then, there is the question of terrorism and development fighters. Why is there not a reasonable discussion, let alone a debate, on the destruction of lives, civil liberties and governance by the Taliban in Pakistan and the Naxals/Maoists in India? Why do learned intellectuals and politicians of a particular ideological persuasion have a lump in their throats criticising these different groups, both in India and Pakistan? Nobody condemns their extraordinary violence outright — it is always qualified. Why? Maybe I am mad.

And now for something (almost) completely different. I find the economic debate in India, as conducted by the RBI, professionals and the media, extremely unenlightening. The economy has literally collapsed, yet we are not looking for causes and cures. Let me illustrate my problem with a recent quote from the monetary authorities. RBI governor D. Subbarao, at an event in Hyderabad, said: "...Most importantly, we also chase the monsoon like millions of farmers across the country. So, the monsoon outlook, the monsoon performance is going to be the important factor in determining the RBI policy in the next three months."

We all recognise that food inflation is a major problem in India, and that food inflation has been primarily caused by the misguided and wrong procurement pricing policies of the UPA government. But it is for the first time that I have heard of the level of rainfall determining monetary policy in India or any other country. Given the depressing and depressed state of the Indian economy, no matter what happens to rainfall, the argument is for a cut in the interest rates. Assume for a moment the rainfall is bad — growth declines and there is close to a zero effect on food inflation, since the prices of all the important food items are administered. The RBI should cut repo rates to help growth. Assume rainfall is plentiful. Again, not much effect on inflation. But agricultural growth will be up and the RBI should... I get it — the RBI should tighten up because growth will be too high! Tell me I am mad to think so.

The writer is chairman of Oxus Investments, an emerging market advisory firm, and a senior advisor

to Blufin, a leading financial information companythe use of the S-word in our political discourse? Apart from delightedly watching all the Congress leaders and Lalu and Mulayam and now Nitish squirm while they attempt to find a new vocabulary with which to communicate with the masses, the banning of the S-word will also help our democracy. The leaders of all stripes will be forced to communicate on issues and not on empty platitudes. So my question to journalists and politicians and spokespersons is: since we get nothing, and actually negative nothings from insipid discussions about secularism, can we ban its usage? If you disagree, call me mad.

Banning the S-word will also help in discussing communal riots and mass killings objectively rather than suggesting that "the Mumbai riots were secular and Godhra riots not secular". There should be an objective comparison between the three major "communal" events of the last 30 years — the pogrom against the Sikhs in 1984, and the communal riots in Mumbai 1992-93, and Godhra-Gujarat, 2002. If Narendra Modi has to be congratulated on any issue, it is in forcing the Indian media to confront the comparison. Let us get some simple facts straight (else call me mad) — there is no comparison between the Sikh pogrom and the communal riots. Note: one was a pogrom, the others were communal clashes. The dictionary defines a pogrom as "the organised killing of many helpless people usually because of their race or religion". That is what happened in the capital of India in 1984. The army wasn't called in until five days after the killing had started. The number of helpless Sikhs killed — close to 8,000 with about 3,000 in Delhi alone. In other words, there were more innocent Sikhs killed in the pogrom in Delhi than in the Mumbai and Godhra riots put together — about 2,000 killed, including about 1,500 Muslims and 500 Hindus. Note that both Hindus and Muslims were killed in Mumbai-Godhra — unlike the killing of only Sikhs in the pogrom.

My plea is that we recognise that atrocities have been committed under the watch of both political parties — the Congress was ruling India and Delhi during both the Sikh pogrom and the Mumbai riots and Modi was at the helm in Gujarat in 2002. It is time for truth and reconciliation, rather than arrogant holier-than-thou pronouncements from political leaders. Again, let us shift the debate to governance rather than indulge in vacuous polemics about bad morality.

And then, there is the question of terrorism and development fighters. Why is there not a reasonable discussion, let alone a debate, on the destruction of lives, civil liberties and governance by the Taliban in Pakistan and the Naxals/Maoists in India? Why do learned intellectuals and politicians of a particular ideological persuasion have a lump in their throats criticising these different groups, both in India and Pakistan? Nobody condemns their extraordinary violence outright — it is always qualified. Why? Maybe I am mad.

And now for something (almost) completely different. I find the economic debate in India, as conducted by the RBI, professionals and the media, extremely unenlightening. The economy has literally collapsed, yet we are not looking for causes and cures. Let me illustrate my problem with a recent quote from the monetary authorities. RBI governor D. Subbarao, at an event in Hyderabad, said: "...Most importantly, we also chase the monsoon like millions of farmers across the country. So, the monsoon outlook, the monsoon performance is going to be the important factor in determining the RBI policy in the next three months."

We all recognise that food inflation is a major problem in India, and that food inflation has been primarily caused by the misguided and wrong procurement pricing policies of the UPA government. But it is for the first time that I have heard of the level of rainfall determining monetary policy in India or any other country. Given the depressing and depressed state of the Indian economy, no matter what happens to rainfall, the argument is for a cut in the interest rates. Assume for a moment the rainfall is bad — growth declines and there is close to a zero effect on food inflation, since the prices of all the important food items are administered. The RBI should cut repo rates to help growth. Assume rainfall is plentiful. Again, not much effect on inflation. But agricultural growth will be up and the RBI should... I get it — the RBI should tighten up because growth will be too high! Tell me I am mad to think so.

The writer is chairman of Oxus Investments, an emerging market advisory firm, and a senior advisor to Blufin, a leading financial information company