Vishwaroopam And Freedom of Expression By: Maulana Wahiduddin Khan

Vishwaroopam And Freedom of Expression 

By: Maulana Wahiduddin Khan
(courtsy TOI)

There is always a hue and cry against those activities that Muslims feel are derogatory to Islam. A recent example is the South Indian film Vishwaroopam. Such behaviour in the name of Islam is nothing but de-Islamisation of Islam as it is quite alien to Islamic scriptures.
The so-called derogatory activities are not a recent phenomenon. It was very common during the prophetic and post-prophetic periods regarded as the golden era of Islam. What was the response of the Quran or the Prophet of Islam towards this phenomenon?
The Quran and the Sunnah or practices of the Prophet tell us that the response was quite positive. Instead of condemning such things, the Prophet always availed of their occurrence as an opportunity. A Quranic verse is instructive: “Call to the way of your Lord with wisdom and fair exhortation and deal with disputes in the best manner” (16:125).
It means Muslims must deal with dispute in the best manner possible. That is, they respond in a positive rather than negative way. Another verse tells us that if Muslims follow this course of action, they will find that what was apparently a disadvantage has turned into an advantage: “Good and evil deeds are not equal. Repel evil with what is better; then you will see that one who was once your enemy has become your dearest friend” (41:34). It means don’t take dispute as an expression of enmity; take it as a misunderstanding and try to remove that misunderstanding, and the concerned person will reform his opinion. In this way, a dispute is turned into a positive discussion.
This kind of culture can be maintained only when there is freedom of expression. Islam believes in rational discussion for it leads to clarification and consensus. The Quran does not command Muslims to prevent others from speaking against Islam, but instead, commands Muslims not to make any statement that offends others: “And do not abuse those whom they call upon besides God, lest exceeding the limits they should abuse God out of ignorance” (6:108).
It means that Muslims must themselves take the responsibility to maintain normalcy between themselves and others. And, if any controversy arises, then Muslims must deal with it in a wise manner, that is, they must defuse it instead of allowing things to flare up.
Freedom of expression is not an evil; it is good for human development. According to the Quran, God Himself has set an example. He allowed the angels to express their dissent at the time of the creation of Adam (2:30).
The Quranic term for freedom of expression is shura (42:38). Shura literally means consultation, in other words, culture of discussion. That is, taking dispute as a point of discussion. That was the Prophet’s normal habit. He always used to take any kind of dispute as a point of discussion and tried to clear it up with reason.
Freedom of expression has been allowed throughout Islamic history. It was never considered taboo. There are numerous examples of freedom of expression leading to intellectual development. Qazi Abu Yusuf in his book Kitab al-Kharaj has referred to several such issues that were controversial between the Muslims and their Caliph. The Caliph never discouraged discussion. He always invited people to make known their differences, and sometimes there were long discussions until the matter was settled.
Freedom of expression is good for both sides. Cancelling freedom of expression is tantamount to cancelling intellectual development. This will halt the whole process of intellectual development, not only for others, but for Muslims themselves.

A Poem... एकालाप ,

A Poem...

एकालाप ,

घंटों जब बोलता हूँ तो ,

तेरी चुप्पी , कभी कभी ,

असहज सी लगती है मुझे ,

एक अद्भुत एकालाप ,

खुद का खुद से बातें करना ,

कभी अच्छा और कभी बना देता है ,

बोझिल मुझे .

पर तुम ,

खुद तो कभी कहते नहीं कुछ ,

चुप चुप खामोशी से ,

सुनते रहते हो मेरी बातें ,

और जब पूंछता हूँ कुछ , तो 

एक ''जी '' से बातें शुरू और  ख़त्म कर देते हो ,

मैं इस ''जी '' का अर्थ ,

न जाने कब से ,

आकाश में उड़ते हुए ,

आवारा बादलों को ताकते हुए ,

अभी भी ढूंढ रहा हूँ .

-vss

Remembering Gandhi.... Last Day of Mahatma Gandhi.

                         
 Last day of Mahatma Gandhi....
(V Kalyanam, personal secretary to Mahatma Gandhi, recounts Friday, January 30, 1948, moment-by-moment—the day when the Mahatma was shot. V Kalyanam was just behind Gandhi when Naturam Godse fired his shots.)

Mahatma Gandhi arrived in Delhi on Tuesday, 9 September 1947, from Calcutta. He was staying in Birla House at Albuquerque Road (now renamed Tees January Marg—30th January Road). A large carpeted room with an attached toilet was placed at his disposal for use by his entourage. This was an all-purpose room in the ground floor of the huge mansion. A thick cotton mattress and a huge pillow to recline, with a desk in front, was placed in one corner of the room. At the other end was a table and chair piled with correspondence. Gandhiji usually spent the whole day here attending to his correspondence, talking to people, spinning his charkha and taking his midday siesta. There was also a balcony, fully enclosed with glass doors, adjoining the room where he would sleep at nights on the carpeted floor, along with the rest of us.
Friday, 30 January 1948, dawned like any other day. We never knew what was going to happen in the evening. We got up as usual for our prayers at 3.30. We went about our daily routine with no thought about what the day had in store for us. Gandhiji roused his grand niece Abha to get up.
After his ablutions, Gandhiji came out of the toilet and squatted on the mattress. We sat before him. Gandhiji’s day always commenced with prayer. He described prayer as the key of the morning and bolt of the evening. His prayers included recitations from the scriptures of all religions, particularly Hindusim and Islam, in order to stress the essential unity of all religions.
He closed his eyes in meditation. Abha was still asleep. He had noticed her absence. Prayer was held without Abha’s participation. Immediately after the prayer Manu went to the kitchen to fetch Gandhiji’s morning beverage—a glass of hot water mixed with a tablespoonful of honey and lime. When she handed him the marble tumbler of nectar, Gandhiji told her in Gujarati, ‘It appears my influence, even among my close companions, is waning. Prayer is like a broomstick meant to cleanse one’s soul. Abha’s failure to participate in the prayer pains me. You are aware of the importance I attach to prayer. If you have the courage, you may, on my behalf convey my displeasure to her. If she is not willing to participate in the prayer she should take leave of me. This will be in our joint interest!’
Meanwhile, Abha got up and started attending to her work. Gandhiji, did not, for reasons known to him, confront her directly. I continued to sit by his side to receive my instructions for the day. He wanted me to make arrangements for his visit to Sevagram for ten days from 2nd February. I placed before him the typed draft of the new constitution for the Indian National Congress he had dictated to me the previous day, suggesting its disbandment and reconstitution as a new body with greater emphasis on social service and rural uplift. He was not inclined to go through it. He summoned my superior Pyarelalji and handed the draft to him with instructions to peruse it carefully and make any suggestions or corrections that he may consider necessary.

I Do Not Wish to Live Long
Conditions in Delhi were far from normal those days. There had been communal disturbances owing to the large influx of Hindu refugees from Pakistan. Having gone through unpleasant experiences at the hands of Muslims in Pakistan, they wanted to take revenge on Muslims in Delhi. Delegations of Muslim and Hindu leaders called on him everyday to discuss ways and means of restoring normalcy in the capital.
During those cold winter days, Gandhiji preferred to spend the day sitting on a charpoy in the open lawn, basking in the sun. His daily engagements were crowded. He could never be seen idle. When he had no appointments he would be busy writing letters and articles in Gujarati, Hindi and English. While Ministers and other VIPs visited him by prior appointment, Pandit Nehru, whenever he was in station, made it a point to call on Gandhiji, at about 9 am, on his way to office.
Among the prominent visitors who met Gandhiji that day was Mrs. R.K. Nehru, who came in at 6 am. She was scheduled to leave for USA in the afternoon. At her request Gandhiji gave her an autographed photograph with the message, ‘As a representative of a poor nation, you should lead a simple and frugal life while you are there’.  At 2 pm, Margaret Bourke White, famous photographer of the Life magazine interviewed Gandhiji. In the course of her conversation, she asked him, “You have always stated that you would like to live up to 125. What gives you that hope?” Gandhiji surprised her by answering that he no longer entertained that hope. When questioned why, he replied, “Because of the terrible happenings in the world. I do not want to live in darkness”.
Most of his time at Birla House was spent in writing letters, meeting visitors and prayers.  Soon after she left, Prof N.R. Malkhani, our Deputy High Commissioner in Pakistan, met Gandhiji with two others and told him of the sad plight of the Hindus of Sind. After hearing them patiently, Gandhi replied, “These things would not have happened had people listened to me. I say things, which do not go home, yet I go on saying what I believe to be true. I know that I am a ‘back number’.”
Bob Stimsom of the BBC, who had submitted some questions to Gandhiji, was to meet him after the prayers. He had already arrived and proceeded straight to the lawn where Gandhiji was to hold the prayer. Chief Minister U N Dhebar and Rasiklal Parekh from Kathiawar and the celebrated author Vincent Shean, who had some interviews with Gandhiji in the last few days, had also come without prior appointment in the hope of meeting Gandhiji. All of them were disappointed.
Birla House had its own watchmen at the gate. There had been objections to the recitation of the Koran at Gandhiji’s earlier public meetings in the previous year. Sardar Patel had therefore, in his capacity as Home Minister, ordered the deployment of one head constable and four foot-constables at Birla House as a precautionary measure.

Bomb Explodes at Gandhiji’s Prayer Meeting
There was a bomb explosion at the prayer meeting on 20 January. Madan Lal, the Punjabi refugee had thrown a bomb, but it didn’t hit him. A wall was broken that’s all and Gandhi never thought somebody had come to kill him. Gandhiji had undertaken a fast against the Government of India’s decision to hold back payment of Pakistan’s share of the cash balances (Rs. 50 Cr) due to them on the ground that Pakistan had connived with the Afridi tribesmen to invade and occupy Kashmir. To save Gandhiji’s life, the government relented and released the amount. Fundamentalist Hindus were infuriated by Gandhiji’s tactics and felt that he was appeasing Muslims to the detriment of the Hindu community. The bomb incident referred to was a consequence of this.
The police guards at Birla House were therefore increased. They had instructions to stop all persons who appeared to be of doubtful character. However, the police considered that to make the precautions more effective they should be permitted to search every visitor entering the compound to attend the prayer or at other times. When a police Superintendent approached me with this proposal, I consulted Gandhiji. He did not agree to the search and I informed the Superintendent accordingly. This decision was conveyed to the higher authorities and within minutes the DIG arrived and sought permission to speak to Gandhiji. I ushered him in. The DIG represented that there was danger to his life and the facilities asked for should be allowed as otherwise the police would be discredited if any mishap took place.

Men Who Want Security Have No Right To Live: Gandhi
Gandhiji would have none of it and told him bluntly that his life was in the hands of God and that if he had to die no precautions could save him. ‘Those who preferred security to freedom had no right to live’, he said. He would rather stop holding public prayer meetings than agree to any such personal search. Police in plain clothes were then asked to keep a watch on suspicious characters and prevent anyone from attacking Gandhiji while he was on his way to the prayer and back. At two in the afternoon Abha and Manu had, with Gandhiji’s permission, gone to visit some friends, promising to return in time for the evening prayers. The responsibility of serving Gandhiji’s evening meal fell on me. Although the government had been in office for only five months, the media was full of alleged differences between Pandit Nehru and Sardar Patel. Gandhiji was distressed with these rumours and wanted to counter this. He was even thinking of asking Sardar Patel to resign so that Nehru may have a free hand to conduct the affairs of the country. But that didn’t happen. He had summoned Patel for a discussion at 4 pm and intended to speak on the subject after the prayers, but that was not to be. Accompanied by his daughter Maniban, Patel arrived on time when Gandhiji was having his frugal supper. While they were conversing, Abha and Manu had also arrived.

The Last Meeting with Sardar Patel
Prayer was scheduled to start at 5 pm. The discussion between Gandhiji and Patel continued beyond 5 pm. In view of the importance and seriousness of the talk, none of us dared to disturb them. The girls gestured to Sardar’s daughter Maniben and the talk ended at 5.10 pm. After that, Gandhi went to the toilet and immediately proceeded to the prayer ground, which was nearly 30-40 yards away. There were four or five steps and then there was a big lawn. Gandhiji was late by fifteen minutes for the prayer meeting. There were about 250 people anxiously awaiting his arrival. I could see from the distance that the attention of the gathering was focused on Gandhiji’s room. And, as he emerged, I heard people saying, ‘There comes Gandhiji’. The word went round when all necks craned and eyes stared in his direction. Gandhiji walked briskly as usual with his head bent and his glance glued to the ground, supporting himself on the shoulders of the two grand nieces. I was following closely to his left.
I heard him admonishing the girls for not telling him that it was getting late for the prayer meeting. He told them that they were his time-keepers. “I am late. I do not like all this,” he added. When Manu replied that they did not want to interrupt because of the serious nature of their talks, Gandhiji shot back, “It is the duty of a nurse to give medicines at the right time to a patient. If there is delay the patient may die”.

When Nathuram Godse Fired His Shots…..
We ascended the steps leading to the prayer platform. People stood with folded hands and Gandhiji reciprocated. They made way for him to go to the rostrum, about 25 feet from the steps, where he would sit on a one-foot-high wooden dais. The assassin (Nathuram Godse) had obviously been waiting in this crowd hiding a revolver in his pocket. Gandhiji had walked hardly five or six paces when the assassin fired some shots in quick succession from close range resulting in the Mahatma’s instantaneous death. He fell behind bleeding profusely and in that melee, his spectacles and footwear were thrown asunder. I was too shocked and dumb-founded to react. Later, in loneliness, tears came to my eyes.
The news spreads fast. Within minutes, a crowd started gathering outside Birla House and the gate had to be closed to prevent people entering the premises. Patel had already left. I rushed to my room and conveyed the news to Nehru’s office by phone. In those days we had free access to Ministers’ residences. I pushed my way through the crowd, got into a waiting car and sped to Patel’s house, hardly five minutes drive, to inform him of the calamity.
Meantime, his body was lifted and carried to his room. There he lay on the mat with people around him. He looked as if he was asleep. His body was warm for quite some time. Night was passed with distress and tears—not for a few chosen ones, but for the millions all over the world for whom he lived and died.
Immediately after Gandhiji’s body was carried away to his room, there was a scramble from the public to possess something belonging to Gandhiji as a souvenir. They started removing a handful of earth from the place where Gandhiji fell to the assassin’s bullet, leaving a big pit there within hours. Arrangements were then made to have the area cordoned and a guard was posted there.
In this connection, detailing the precautions taken by the government to protect Mahatma Gandhi prior to and after the bomb explosion at his prayer meetings, the Home Minister, Sardar Patel declared, “I had personally pleaded with Bapu to permit the police to do their duty in regard to his protection but without success. To my profound regret and utter sorrow and to the irreparable loss of all of us, the nation and the world, the weak spot both I and the police had apprehended was deceitfully and successfully exploited by the assassin and Gandhiji’s prophetic words that, if he had to die, no precaution could save him, came true”.

“Gandhi never uttered ‘Hey Ram’ when he was shot at”
It is widely stated that Gandhiji invoked God saying, “Hey Ram” as he was assassinated. There was no possibility at all of his uttering a single syllable although he had often proclaimed that he would like to die with the name of Ram on his lips. This speculative comment by some enterprising, shrewd reporter has gained worldwide currency, the authenticity of which has never been verified.
A monumental falsehood has been thrust into the mouth of the apostle of truth. Had he been sick or bed-ridden, he would have surely invoked Ram. But here he was denied that opportunity. It is indeed very strange that the commission that was appointed to probe into Gandhiji’s killing never thought of making any enquiries from any one of us who were so close to him on that day.
In his last few days in his post-prayer speeches, Gandhiji had been repeatedly expressing the wish that God take him away since he did not want to be a silent witness to the monstrous barbarities that were going on in the country. I thought God had answered his prayer through the assassin. He had a glorious death while he was walking towards God and not on sick bed. He died without anguish, without pain for a moment.

Shah Rukh Khan's article on Being a Khan

pl read the full article ...

Shah Rukh Khan's article on Being a Khan

I am an actor. Time does not frame my days with as much conviction as images do. Images rule my life. Moments and memories imprint themselves on my being in the form of the snapshots that I weave into my expression. The essence of my art is the ability to create images that resonate with the emotional imagery of those watching them.

I am a Khan. The name itself conjures multiple images in my mind too: a strapping man riding a horse, his reckless hair flowing from beneath a turban tied firm around his head. His ruggedly handsome face marked by weathered lines and a distinctly large nose.

A stereotyped extremist; no dance, no drink, no cigarette tipping off his lips, no monogamy, no blasphemy; a fair, silent face beguiling a violent fury smoldering within. A streak that could even make him blow himself up in the name of his God. Then there is the image of me being shoved into a back room of a vast American airport named after an American president (another parallel image: of the president being assassinated by a man named lee, not a Muslim thankfully, nor Chinese as some might imagine! I urgently shove the image of the room out of my head).

Some stripping, frisking and many questions later, I am given an explanation (of sorts): "Your name pops up on our system, we are sorry". "So am I," I think to myself, "Now can I have my underwear back please?" Then, there is the image I most see, the one of me in my own country: being acclaimed as a megastar, adored and glorified, my fans mobbing me with love and apparent adulation.

I am a Khan.

I could say I fit into each of these images: I could be a strapping six feet something - ok something minus, about three inches at least, though I don't know much about horse-riding. A horse once galloped off with me flapping helplessly on it and I have had a "no horse-riding" clause embedded in my contracts ever since.

I am extremely muscular between my ears, I am often told by my kids, and I used to be fair too, but now I have a perpetual tan or as I like to call it 'olive hue' - though deep In the recesses of my armpits I can still find the remains of a fairer day. I am handsome under the right kind of light and I really do have a "distinctly large" nose. It announces my arrival in fact, peeking through the doorway just before I make my megastar entrance. But my nose notwithstanding, my name means nothing to me unless I contextualize it.

Stereotyping and contextualizing is the way of the world we live in: a world in which definition has become central to security. We take comfort in defining phenomena, objects and people - with a limited amount of knowledge and along known parameters. The predictability that naturally arises from these definitions makes us feel secure within our own limitations.

We create little image boxes of our own. One such box has begun to draw its lid tighter and tighter at present. It is the box that contains an image of my religion in millions of minds.

I encounter this tightening of definition every time moderation is required to be publicly expressed by the Muslim community in my country. Whenever there is an act of violence in the name of Islam, I am called upon to air my views on it and dispel the notion that by virtue of being a Muslim, I condone such senseless brutality. I am one of the voices chosen to represent my community in order to prevent other communities from reacting to all of us as if we were somehow colluding with or responsible for the crimes committed in the name of a religion that we experience entirely differently from the perpetrators of these crimes.

I sometimes become the inadvertent object of political leaders who choose to make me a symbol of all that they think is wrong and unpatriotic about Muslims in india. There have been occasions when I have been accused of bearing allegiance to our neighboring nation rather than my own country - this even though I am an Indian whose father fought for the freedom of India. Rallies have been held where leaders have exhorted me to leave my home and return to what they refer to as my "original homeland". Of course, I politely decline each time, citing such pressing reasons as sanitation words at my house preventing me from taking the good shower that's needed before undertaking such an extensive journey. I don't know how long this excuse will hold though.

I gave my son and daughter names that could pass for generic (pan-Indian and pan-religious) ones: Aryan and Suhana. The Khan has been bequeathed by me so they can't really escape it. I pronounce it from my epiglottis when asked by Muslims and throw the Aryan as evidence of their race when non-Muslims enquire.

I imagine this will prevent my offspring from receiving unwarranted eviction orders and random fatwas in the future. It will also keep my two children completely confused. Sometimes, they ask me what religion they belong to and, like a good Hindi movie hero, I roll my eyes up to the sky and declare philosophically, "You are an Indian first and your religion is humanity", or sing them an old Hindi film ditty, "Tu Hindu banega na Musalmaan banega - insaan ki aulaad hai insaan banega" set to Gangnam Style.

None of this informs them with any clarity, it just confounds them some more and makes them deeply wary of their father.

In the land of the freed, where I have been invited on several occasions to be honored, I have bumped into ideas that put me in a particular context. I have had my fair share of airport delays for instance.

I became so sick of being mistaken for some crazed terrorist who coincidentally carries the same last name as mine that I made a film, subtly titled My name is Khan (and I am not a terrorist) to prove a point. Ironically, I was interrogated at the airport for hours about my last name when I was going to present the film in America for the first time. I wonder, at times, whether the same treatment is given to everyone whose last name just happens to be McVeigh (as in Timothy)??

I don't intend to hurt any sentiments, but truth be told, the aggressor and taker of life follows his or her own mind. It has to nothing to do with a name, a place or his/her religion. It is a mind that has its discipline, its own distinction of right from wrong and its own set of ideologies. In fact, one might say, it has its own "religion". This religions has nothing to do with the ones that have existed for centuries and been taught in mosques or churches. The call of the azaan or the words of the pope have no bearing on this person's soul. His soul is driven by the devil. I, for one, refuse to be contextualized by the ignorance of his ilk.

I am a Khan.

I am neither six-feet-tall nor handsome (I am modest though) nor am I a Muslim who looks down on other religions. I have been taught my religion by my six-foot-tall, handsome Pathan 'Papa' from Peshawar, where his proud family and mine still resides. He was a member of the no-violent Pathan movement called Khudai Khidamatgaar and a follower of both Gandhiji and Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan, who was also known as the Frontier Gandhi.

My first learning of Islam from him was to respect women and children and to uphold the dignity of every human being. I learnt that the property and decency of others, their points of view, their beliefs, their philosophies and their religions were due as much respect as my own and ought to be accepted with an open mind. I learnt to believe in the power and benevolence of Allah, and to be gentle and kind to my fellow human beings, to give of myself to those less privileged than me and to live a life full of happiness, joy, laughter and fun without impinging on anybody else's freedom to live in the same way.

So I am a Khan, but no stereotyped image is factored into my idea of who I am. Instead, the living of my life has enabled me to be deeply touched by the love of millions of Indians. I have felt this love for the last 20 years regardless of the fact that my community is a minority within the population of India. I have been showered with love across national and cultural boundaries, from Suriname to Japan and Saudi Arabia to Germany, places where they don't even understand my language. They appreciate what I do for them as an entertainer - that's all. My life has led me to understand and imbibe that love is a pure exchange, untempered by definition and unfettered by the narrowness of limiting ideas. If each one of us allowed ourselves the freedom to accept and return love in its purity, we would need no image boxes to hold up the walls of our security.

I believe that I have been blessed with the opportunity to experience the magnitude of such a love, but I also know that its scale is irrelevant. In our own small ways, simply as human beings, we can appreciate each other for how touch our lives and not how our different religions or last names define us.

Beneath the guise of my superstardom, I am an ordinary man. My Islamic stock does not conflict with that of my Hindu wife's. The only disagreements I have with Gauri concern the color of the walls in our living room and not about the locations of the walls demarcating temples from mosques in India.

We are bringing up a daughter who pirouettes in a leotard and choreographs her own ballets. She sings western songs that confound my sensibilities and aspires to be an actress. She also insists on covering her head when in a Muslim nation that practices this really beautiful and much misunderstood tenet of Islam.

Our son's linear features proclaim his Pathan pedigree although he carries his own, rather gentle mutations of the warrior gene. He spends all day either pushing people asie at rugby, kicking some butt at Tae Kwon Do or eliminating unknown faces behind anonymous online gaming handles around the world with The Call of Duty video game. And yet, he firmly admonishes me for getting into a minor scuffle at the cricket stadium in Mumbai last year because some bigot make unsavory remarks about me being a Khan.

The four of us make up a motley representation of the extraordinary acceptance and validation that love can foster when exchanged within the exquisiteness of things that are otherwise defined ordinary.

For I believe, our religion is an extremely personal choice, not a public proclamation of who we are. It's as person as the spectacles of my father who passed away some 20 years ago. Spectacles that I hold onto as my most prized and personal possession of his memories, teachings and of being a proud Pathan. I have never compared those with my friends, who have similar possessions of their parents or grandparents. I have never said my father's spectacles are better than your mother's saree. So why should we have this comparison in the matter of religion, which is as personal and prized a belief as the memories of your elders. Why should not the love we share be the last word in defining us instead of the last name? It doesn't take a superstar to be able to give love, it just takes a heart and as far as I know, there isn't a force on this earth that can deprive anyone of theirs.

I am a Khan, and that's what it has meant being one, despite the stereotype images that surround me. To be a Khan has been to be loved and love back - that the promise that virgins wait for me somewhere on the other side.
Shah Rukh Khan

Shar Rukh Khan controvercy...

In a strange and bizarre turn of events, Shah Rukh Khan's special column written for the Outlook Turning Points Magazine (Special Agenda 2013) in association with The New York Times newspaper has created a sorts of national uproar in India and a cross border war of words between Indian and Pakistani politicians.

For the special edition of the Outlook Magazine, SRK was invited to write an opinion column on what it means to be a Muslim in India and globally post 9/11. It is titled:
"Being a Khan: What it means to be a Muslim in the post-9/11 world. And what India means for the world as a Muslim power."

SRK writes:
"I sometimes become the inadvertent object of political leaders who choose to make me a symbol of all that they think is wrong and unpatriotic about Muslims in India. There have been occasions when I have been accused of bearing allegiance to our neighbouring nation rather than my own country - this even though I am an Indian, whose father fought for the freedom of India. Rallies have been held where leaders have exhorted me to leave and return to what they refer to as my original homeland.
I gave my son and daughter names that could pass for generic (pan-India and pan-religious) ones - Aryan and Suhana. The Khan has been bequeathed by me so they can't really escape it. I pronounce it with my epiglottis when asked by Muslims and throw the Aryan as evidence of their race when non-Muslims enquire. I imagine this will prevent my offspring from receiving unwarranted eviction orders or random fatwas in the future.

I became so sick of being mistaken for some crazed terrorist who co-incidentally carries the same name as mine that I made a film subtly titled My Name Is Khan (and I am not a terrorist) to prove a point. Ironically, I was interrogated at the airport for hours about my last name when I was going to promote the film in America for the first time."

SRK further writes:
"My first learning of Islam from my father was to respect women and children and to uphold the dignity of every human being. I learnt that the property and decency of others, their points of view, their beliefs, their philosophies and their religions were due as much respect as my own and ought to be accepted with an open mind. I learnt to believe in the power and benevolence of Allah, and to be gentle and kind to my fellow human beings, to give of myself to those less privileged than me and to live a life full of happiness, joy, laughter and fun without impinging on anybody else's freedom to live the same way.

The living of my life has enabled me to be deeply touched by the love of millions of Indians.

Beneath the guise of my superstardom, I am an ordinary man. My Islamic stock does not conflict with that of my Hindu wife's. The only disagreement I have with Gauri concerns the colour of the walls in our living room and not about the locations of the walls demarcating temples from mosques in India."

Despite SRK firmly reaffirming his allegiance to and patriotism and love for his country India in his column, a Pakistani politician called Hafiz Saeed strangely commented that SRK "can move to Pakistan if he does not feel safe in India."

Then came the odd comments of Pakistan's interior minister Rehman Malik, who said that "India should provide security to SRK."

These two comments have created an uproar in India. Articles have been written in some Indian media outlets that strangely bash SRK for the words of Pakistani politicians. Social networking sites are abuzz with the matter, with some people even more strangely asking SRK to comment/apologize for his column and for what the Pakistani politicians have said.

SRK's fans and friends have also come out in droves from India and around the world on social networking sites, supporting SRK and condemning the "defamatory" articles by some Indian media outlets and comments by those who hate SRK. SRK has been trending on Twitter nonstop for more than 24 hours now. A source close to SRK was quoted as saying that SRK is very upset at the comments of the Pakistani politicians.
Indian politicians have also joined in, including India's home minister:
"We are quite capable of looking after security of our own citizens...let him (Malik) worry about security of his own." -RK Singh, India's home minister

"Rehman Malik's remark is condemnable and hilarious when you consider that everyday Pakistanis are killing each other. Muslims in India are totally secure. We don't need any compassion or support from Pakistan." -Maulana Khalid Rasheed

"SRK is a nationalist and a national icon, he should give a befitting reply to Pakistan." -Rajiv Pratap Rudy, BJP

"Its better if Malik does not meddle in our affairs. SRK should be given security or not is to be decided by us not Pakistan."-Sanjay Raut, Shiv Sena

"According to our constitution, all are equal. As for Malik, he should think about securing minorities in Pakistan first." -Manish Tiwari

In another recent event, a journalist asked SRK about the killings of Indian soldiers by Pakistani forces during a press conference. SRK answered by strongly condemning the killings, but Aaj Tak news channel misrepresented his statement and gave the wrong impression that SRK was supporting Pakistan. That also caused an uproar in social media, with hundreds of thousands of SRK fans bombarding Aaj Tak with demands for a public apology. Aaj Tak finally gave in and issued an apology to SRK and his fans for misrepresenting his statement.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF JANUARY 26..

Today is republic day. On this day 64 years before WE THE PEOPLE have got the democratic system of governance for our country. What does January 26 mean to us. Few people see beyond the unabashed display of arms, a magnificent parade by armed forces, and the President’s speech because we do not go into what it really stood for. The need to understand the history behind 26 January comes from the fact that only the past makes 26 January is a landmark date in our history.

The Indian National Congress held its annual session in December 1929. It voted for “purna swaraj” or complete independence as against a dominion status for India and passed a resolution fixing the last Sunday of January 1930 — it was coincidentally January 26 — as Independence Day. It resolved to hold countrywide demonstrations in support of the goal.

On that day we declared ourselves an independent country, no longer under the clutches of the Britishers. The Declaration drafted by Mahatma Gandhi, began ....“We believe that it is the incredible right of the Indian people, as of any other people, to have freedom to enjoy the fruits of their soil and have the necessities of life, so that they may have full opportunities of growth… if any government deprives a people of these and oppress them, the people have a further right to alter or abolish it”
The Indian National Congress had declared complete independence for thr first time and the declaration further said-
“We believe therefore, that India must server the British connection and attain Purna Swaraj or complete independence… We hold it to be a crime against man and God to submit any longer to a rule that has caused this fourfold disaster to our country.”

The passage to the Lahore declaration was marked by a debate which saw the All India Home Rule League and the All India Muslim League favouring a dominion status while leaders like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Aurobindo and Bipin Chandra Pal argued for a complete separation from British rule. The latter’s view prevailed.

Jawaharlal Nehru was chosen the president of the Congress. On the midnight of December 31, 1929, he raised the first “swaraj” flag that was later adopted as the national flag.

So after one year of British apathy, at the midnight of December 31, 1929 at a massive public gathering in Lahore, on the bank of river Ravee, Jawahar Lal Nehru declared “Purna Swaraj” or complete independence from the British and asked the people to observe January 26 as Independence Day. The Tiranga with charkhaa was hoisted by Nehru on the banks of the river Ravi in Lahore. On January 26, 1930, the declaration of ''Purna Swaraj'' was publicly announced and people all over the country celebrated India‘s Independence day on that day and was celebrated every following year.
However, when the events happened, Gandhi and Nehru were taken aback with the response. In his autobiography, Nehru recalled how “Independence Day came, January 26th 1930, and it revealed to us, in a flash, the earnest and enthusiastic mood of the country. There was something vastly impressive about the great gatherings everywhere, peacefully and solemnly taking the pledge of independence without any speeches or exhortation”. In a press statement Nehru issued after the observance of the “first” Independence Day, he “respectfully congratulate(d) the nation on the success of the solemn and orderly demonstrations”.

On the eve of August 15, Nehru began his celebrated speech “Long years ago, we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially.” Sadly not many understand what it means. The tryst with destiny was the pledge India had taken long years ago- on the 26th of January 1930. However the pledge taken in Lahore, couldn’t be redeemed in full measure due to Partition. We got freedom but partitioned.

The declaration of January 26 says “The British Government in India has not only deprived the Indian people of their freedom but has based itself on the exploitation of the masses, and has ruined India economically, politically, culturally and spiritually” It further speaks on how a normal Indian is heavily taxed, how the village industry has been destroyed, how customs and imported British goods are undesirable. It also spoke of how “The rights of free expression of opinion and free association have been denied to us” and how “the system of education has torn us from our moorings and our training has made us bug the very chains that bind us”.

The process for the evolution of a Sovereign Republic kicked in soon thereafter. A Constituent Assembly of elected members of the Provincial Assemblies was set up. It included Nehru, C. Rajagopalachari, Rajendra Prasad, Sardar Vallabhai Patel, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Shyama Prasad Mookherjee and Nalini Ranjan Ghosh. There were jurists like B.R. Ambedkar, Alladi Krishnaswamy Iyer and K.M. Munshi.

Dr Ambedkar was asked to chair the drafting committee of the Constitution. It met for 166 days over two years, 11 months and 18 days. The final document that enshrined 345 Articles and eight Schedules was adopted by the Constituent Assembly on November 26 1949. The Constitution came into force on January 26, 1950, when India officially became a Sovereign Democratic Republic, 894 days after the British rulers withdrew.

Where have we reached years after this declaration? Has the injustices decreased or has it been reaffirmed more so in the recent years? Its important to take one hard look at ourselves and the nation and try to reach an answer conscientiously. The extreme contradictions in the country does not paint a rosy picture, hence we must deliberate- where we have reached, which direction we are now heading and where we must be ideally heading.

 August 15th stood for partition, tragedy and the dominion status not independence or celebration. January 26 represented freedom, the promise of independence and the formation of the nation-state, and not just the Constitution and parade.

Hence January 26 is a day to celebrate. … Perhaps its time to recognize the freedoms January 26 stood for. It’s time to analyse whether we have redeemed the pledge we undertook years back. It’s time to resolve to take more actions in furtherance of the vision of January 26 …
-vss

गृह मंत्री का बयान और बीजेपी का विरोध

गृह मंत्री का बयान और बीजेपी का विरोध 
गृह मंत्री के भगवा आतंक के नाम पर पूरी बीजेपी और आरएसएस में बवाल मचा है . दोनों ने ही इस से आहात होते हुए गृह मंत्री के इस्तीफे की मांग की है और ,इस मामले में सड़क से संसद तक लड़ने की योजना बनायी है . याद कीजिये , देश को अन्दर अन्दर खोखला कर रहा भ्रष्टाचार ,और उस के विरुद्ध हुआ अन्ना आन्दोलन , अरविन्द केजरीवाल का आन्दोलन , बाबा रामदेव का आन्दोलन , लोकपाल मुद्दा , दिल्ली बलात्कार प्रकरण , पर बीजेपी कितनी खामोश थी . और इस मुद्दे पर आनन् फानन में रैलियां आयोजित हुयी . और संसद से सड़क तक जूझने का एलन किया गया .काश जन सरोकारों से जुड़े मसलों पर भी यही रवैया अपनाया जाता .

बहस और आरोप प्रत्यारोप बहुत हो चुके . आज इस संचार क्रान्ति के युग में किसी का कुछ छिपा नहीं है . आतंक चाहे भगवा हो, हरा हो , या लाल वह आतंक है . विस्फोट चाहे मुंबई में हो , या पुणे में ,या मक्का मस्जिद में या समझौता एक्सप्रेस में , सब में कोई ऐसा नेता नहीं मरा और न मरता है जो धार्मिक भावना भड़काने का भाषण देता है .आग लगा कर वह कहीं आराम से बैठा होता है . मरते हैं निर्दोष और मासूम लोग .अगर सरकार के पास सूचना और सबूत है तो , वह उन सब आतंकवादियों के खिलाफ कानूनी कार्यवाही करे , चाहे वह किसी भी धर्म या जाति का हो .
बात तो ये है , की जब केंद्र सरकार को पता है तो वो करती कुछ क्यों नहीं,/ आडवानी , सुषमा स्वराज डेलिगेशन लेके गए थे , प्रधान मंत्री के पास आतंकवादी को छुडवाने ,और राजनाथ सिंह जेल में आतंकवादी से मिलने गए ,और तो और जब माले गाँव बम विस्फोट के आरोपी आतंकवादी अदालत जा रहे थे तब उनपे पुष्प वर्षा कोन कर रहा था , न तो ये छिपी कोई जानकारी है , और न ही इसे झुटलाया जा सकता हैं, गृह सचिव ने जरी की 10 भगवा आतंकियों की सूचि ,जरा इसे भी देख लें ,की ये सारे किस संघटन के हैं,

तथ्यों की बात करें तो आप सब जानते है की आर एस एस के सहस्त्र संघटन हैं ,वे तो प्रज्ञा सिंह और मेल गाँव के आतंकियों को किसी और संघटन का बता देंगे ,जैसे आज़ादी के बाद सबसे पहली और सबसे बड़ी आतंकी हमला महात्मा गाँधी को मरने से शुरू हुआ था , इसे बड़ी सफाई के साथ कह दिया गया की वो तो आर एस एस का ही नहीं था /

चलिए देख लीजिये इन दस आतंकियों के नाम और उनके संघटन .
1, सुनील जोशी [आर एस एस कार्यकर्त्ता ] समझोता एक्सप्रेस
2, संदीप डांगे [ आर एस एस ] समझोता एक्सप्रेस
3, लोकेश शर्मा [ आर एस एस ] समझोता एक्सप्रेस
4 स्वामी असीमानन्द [आर एस एस ] समझोता एक्सप्रेस
5 राजेंद्र [ आर एस एस ] समझोता एक्सप्रेस]
6 मुकेश वासनी [ आर ओत एक्सप्रेस एस एस ] अजमेर ब्लास्ट
7.देवेन्द्र गुप्ता [ आर एस एस ] अजमेर ब्लास्ट
8 चंद्र शेखर लेवे [ आए एस एस] मक्का मस्जिद ब्लास्ट
9. कमल चौहान [आर एस एस ] समझोता एक्सप्रेस

10 राम जी काल संजय [ आर एस एस ] समझोता एक्सप्रेस


सच तो यह है कि सरकार भी इस प्रकरण को वोट के राजनीति के चश्मे से देख रही है और बीजेपी ने इसे भावनात्मक मुद्दा बना दिया है . ऐसी दशा में मुझे डॉ लोहिया का एक वाक्य याद आता है ,जिस में उन्होंने कहा था कि , लोग भूख और बेरोजगारी के सवाल पर आंदोलित क्यों नहीं होते , धर्म के प्रश्न पर क्यों हो जाते हैं ...बीजेपी अगर आतंकवाद के खिलाफ सच में गंभीर है तो उन्हें इन सब से खुद को अलग करना भी पडेगा और दिखना भी .

TO DELHI , TO DELHI Speech at a military review of the INA

TO DELHI , TO DELHI
Speech at a military review of the INA
July 5, 1943
SOLDIERS of India's Army of Liberation!

Today is the proudest day of my life. Today it has pleased Providence to give me the unique privilege and honour of announcing to the whole world that India's Army of Liberation has come into being. This army has now been drawn up in military formation on the battlefield of Singapore, which was once the bulwark of the British Empire.

This is not only the Army that will emancipate India from the British yoke; it is also the Army that will hereafter create the future national army of Free India. Every Indian must feel proud that this Army, his own Army, has been organized entirely under Indian leadership and that when the historic moment arrives, under Indian leadership it will go to battle.

There are people who thought at one time that the Empire on which the sun did not set was an everlasting empire. No such thought ever troubled me. History had taught me that every empire has its inevitable decline and collapse. Moreover I had seen with my own eyes, cities and fortresses that were once the bulwarks but which became the graveyards of by-gone empires. Standing today on the graveyard of the British empire, even a child is convinced that the almighty British empire is already a thing of the past.

When France declared war on Germany in 1939 and the campaign began, there was but one cry which rose from the lips of German soldiers--"To Paris, To Paris!" When the Brave soldiers of Nippon set out on their march in December 1941 there was but one cry which rose from their lips-"To Singapore. To Singapore!" Comrades! Soldiers! Let your battle-cry be-"To- Delhi to Delhi! “How many of us will individually survive this war of freedom, I do not know. But I do know this, that we shall ultimately win and our task will not end until our surviving heroes hold the victory parade on another graveyard of the British empire, the Lal Kila or Red Fortress of ancient Delhi.

Throughout my public career, I have always felt that though India is otherwise ripe for independence in every way, she has lacked one thing, namely an army of liberation. George Washington of America could fight and win freedom, because he had his army. Garibaldi could liberate Italy, because he had his armed volunteers behind him. It is your privilege and honor to be the first to come forward and organize India's national army.

By doing so, you have removed the last obstacle in our path to freedom. Be happy and proud that you are the pioneers, the vanguard, in such a noble cause.

Let me remind you that you have a two-fold task to perform. With the force of arms and at the cost of your blood you will have to win liberty. Then, when India is free, you will have to organize the permanent army of Free India, whose task it will be to preserve our liberty for all time. We must build up our national defense on such an unshakable foundation that never again in our history shall we lose our freedom.

As soldiers, you will always have to cherish and live up to the three-ideals of faithfulness, duty and sacrifice. Soldiers who always remain faithful to their nation, who are always prepared to sacrifice their lives, are invincible. If you, too, want to be invincible, engrave these three ideals in the innermost core of your hearts.

A true soldier needs both military and spiritual training. You must, all of you, so train yourselves and your comrades that every soldier will have unbounded confidence in himself, will be conscious of being immensely superior to the enemy, will be fearless of death, and will have sufficient initiative to act on his own in any critical situation should the need arise. During the course of the present war, you have seen with your own eyes what wonders scientific training, coupled with courage, fearlessness and dynamism, can achieve. Learn all that you can from this example, and build up for Mother India an absolutely first-class modern army.

To those of you who are officers, I should like to say that your responsibility is a heavy one. Though the responsibility of an officer in every army in this world is indeed great, it is far greater in your case. Because of our political enslavement, we have no tradition like that of Mukden, Port Arthur or Sedan to inspire us. We have to unlearn some of the things that the British taught us and we have to learn much that they did not teach. Nevertheless. I am confident that you will rise to the occasion and fulfill the task that your countrymen have thrown on your brave soldiers. Remember always that officers can make or unmake an army. Remember, too, that the British have suffered defeats on so many fronts largely because of worthless officers. And remember also that out of your ranks will be born the future General Staff of the Army of Free India.

To all of you I should like to say that in the course of this war you will have to acquire the experience and achieve the success which alone can build up a national tradition for our Army. An army that has no tradition of courage, fearlessness and invincibility cannot hold its own in a struggle with a powerful enemy.

Comrades ! You have voluntarily accepted a mission that is the noblest that the human mind can conceive of. For the fulfillment of such a mission no sacrifice is too great, not even the sacrifice of one's life. You are today the custodians of India's national honor and the embodiment of India's hopes and aspirations. So conduct yourself that your countrymen may bless you and posterity may be proud of you.

I have said that today is the proudest day of my life. For an enslaved people, there can be no greater pride, no higher honor, than to be the first soldier in the army of liberation. But this honor carries with it a corresponding responsibility and I am deeply conscious of it. I assure you that I shall be with you in darkness and in sunshine, in sorrow and in joy, in suffering and in victory. For the present, I can offer you nothing except hunger, thirst, privation, forced marches and death. But if you follow me in life and in death, as I am confident you will, I shall lead you to victory and freedom. It does not matter who among us will live to see India free. It is enough that India shall be free and that we shall give our all to make her free. May God now bless our Army and grant us victory in the coming fight !
Inqualab Zindabad ! Azad Hind Zindabad !

'' तुम मुझे खून दो मैं तुम्हे आज़ादी दूंगा !''

To organize an army, and to fight a war against the most powerful block of the time was not an easy task. but Neta ji had done this. pl read his famous speech ''tum mujhe khoon do, main tumhe azaadee doongaa,''....

'' तुम मुझे खून दो मैं तुम्हे आज़ादी दूंगा !''

मित्रों  ! बारह   महीने   पहले   “ पूर्ण  संग्रहण ”(total mobilization) या  “परम  बलिदान ”(maximum sacrifice) का  एक  नया  कार्यक्रम  पूर्वी  एशिया  में  मौजूद  भारतीयों  के  समक्ष  रखा  गया  था . आज  मैं  आपको  पिछले  वर्ष  की  उपलब्धियों  का  लेखा -जोखा  दूंगा  और  आपके  सामने  आने  वाले  वर्ष  के  लिए  हमारी  मांगें  रखूँगा . लेकिन ये बताने  से  पहले  ,मैं  चाहता  हूँ  कि  आप  इस  बात  को  समझें  कि  एक  बार  फिर  हमारे  सामने  स्वतंत्रता  हांसिल  करने  का  स्वर्णिम  अवसर  है .अंग्रेज  एक  विश्वव्यापी  संघर्ष  में  लगे  हुए  हैं  और  इस  संघर्ष  के  दौरान  उन्हें  कई   मोर्चों  पर  बार  बार  हार  का  सामना  करना  पड़ा  है . इस  प्रकार  दुश्मन  बहुत  हद्द  तक  कमजोर  हो  गया  है ,स्वतंत्रता  के  लिए  हमारी  लड़ाई  आज  से  पांच  साल  पहले  की  तुलना  में  काफी  आसान  हो  गयी  है . इश्वर  द्वारा  दिया  गया  ऐसा  दुर्लभ  अवसर  सदी  में  एक  बार  आता  है .इसीलिए  हमने  प्राण  लिया  है  की  हम   इस  अवसर  का  पूर्ण  उपयोग   अपनी  मात्र  भूमि  को  अंग्रेजी  दासता  से  मुक्त  करने  के  लिए  करेंगे .

मैं  हमारे  इस  संघर्ष  के  परिणाम  को  लेकर  बिलकुल  आशवस्थ  हूँ , क्योंकि  मैं  सिर्फ  पूर्वी  एशिया  में  मौजूद  30 लाख  भारतीयों  के  प्रयत्नों  पर  निर्भर  नहीं  हूँ . भारत  के  अन्दर  भी  एक  विशाल  आन्दोलन  चल  रहा  है  और  हमारे  करोडो  देशवासी  स्वतंत्रता  पाने  के  लिए  कष्ट  सहने  और  बलिदान  देने  को  तैयार  हैं .

दुर्भाग्यवश  1857 के  महासंग्राम  के बाद से   हमारे  देशवासी  अस्त्रहीन  हैं  और  दुश्मन  पूरी  तरह  सशश्त्र  है . बिना  हथियारों  और  आधुनिक  सेना  के  , ये  असंभव  है  कि  इस  आधुनिक  युग  में  निहत्थे  आज्ज़दी  की  लड़ाई  जीती  जा  सके . ईश्वर  की  कृपा  और  जापानियों  की  मदद  से  पूर्वी  एशिया  में  मौजूद  भारतीयों  के  लिए  हथियार  प्राप्त  करके  आधुनिक  सेना  कड़ी  करना   संभव  हो  गया  है .  इसके  अलावा   पूर्वी  एशिया  में  सभी  भारतीय  उस  व्यक्ति  से  जुड़े  हुए  हैं  जो  स्वतंत्रता  के  लिए  संघर्ष  कर  रहा  है , अंग्रेजों  द्वारा  भारत  मिएँ  पैदा  किये  गए  सभी  धार्मिक  एवं  अन्य  मतभेद  यहाँ  मौजूद  नहीं  हैं . नतीजतन  , अब  हमारे  संघर्ष  की  सफलता  के  लिए  परिस्थितियां  आदर्श  हैं - और  अब  बस  इस  बात  की  आवश्यकता  है  कि  भारतीय  आज्ज़दी  की  कीमत  चुकाने  के  लिए  खुद  सामने  आएं .

पूर्ण  संग्रहण  कार्यक्रम  के  अंतर्गत  मैंने  आपसे   मेन , मनी .मेटेरियल  ( लोगों  ,धन ,सामग्री )की   मांग  की  थी . जहाँ  तक  लोगों  का  सवाल  है  मुझे  ये  बताते  हुए  ख़ुशी  हो  रही  है  की  मैंने  पहले  से  ही  पर्याप्त  लोग  भारती  कर  लिए  हैं .भरती  हुए  लोग  पूर्वी  एशिया  के  सभी  कोनो  से  हैं - चाईना ,जापान , इंडिया -चाईना , फिलीपींस , जावा , बोर्नो , सेलेबस , सुमात्रा , , मलय , थाईलैंड  और  बर्मा .

आपको   मेन ,मनी ,मटेरिअल , की आपूर्ती  पूरे  जोश  और  उर्जा  के  साथ  जारी  रखना  होगा ,विशेष  रूप  से  संचय और  परिवहन  की  समस्या  को  हल  किया  जाना  चाहिए .

हमें   मुक्त  हुए  क्षेत्रों  के  प्रशाशन  और  पुनर्निर्माण  हेतु  हर  वर्ग  के  पुरूषों  और  महिलाओं  की  आवश्यकता  है .हमें  ऐसी  स्थिति  के  लिए  तैयार   रहना  होगा  जिसमे  दुश्मन  किसी  इलाके  को  खाली  करते  समय  इस्कोर्चड  अर्थ  पालिसी  का  प्रयोग  कर  सकता   है  और  आम  नागरिकों  को  भी  जगह  खाली  करने  के  लिए  मजबूर  कर  सकता  है , जैसा  की  बर्मा  में  हुआ  था .

सबसे  महत्त्वपूर्ण  समस्या  मोर्चों  पर  लड़  रहे  सैनिकों  को  अतरिक्त  सैन्य  बल  और  सामग्री  पहुंचाने  की  है .अगर  हम ऐसा  नहीं  करते  हैं  तो  हम  लड़ाई के मोर्चों  पर  अपनी  सफलता  बनाए  रखने  की  उम्मीद  नहीं  कर  सकते . और  ना  ही  भारत  के  अन्दर  गहरी  पैठ  करने  की  उम्मीद  कर  सकते  हैं .

आपमें  से  जो  लोग  इस  घरेलु  मोर्चे पर  काम  करना  जारी  रखेंगे  उन्हें  ये  कभी  नहीं  भूलना चाहिए  की  पूर्वी  एशिया - विशेष  रूप  से  बर्मा - आज़ादी  की  लड़ाई  के  लिए  हमारे  आधार  हैं . अगर  ये  आधार  मजबूत  नहीं  रहेगा  तो  हमारी  सेना  कभी  विजयी  नहीं  हो  पायेगी . याद  रखिये  ये  “पूर्ण  युद्ध  है ”- और  सिर्फ  दो  सेनाओं  के  बीच  की  लड़ाई  नहीं . यही  वज़ह  है  की  पूरे  एक  साल  से मैं  पूर्व  में  पूर्ण संग्रहण  के  लिए  जोर  लगा  रहा  हूँ .

एक  और  वजह  है  कि  क्यों  मैं  आपको  घरेलु  मोर्चे  पर  सजग  रहने  के  लिए  कह  रहा  हूँ . आने  वाले  महीनो  में   मैं  और   युद्ध  समिति  के  मेरे  सहयोगी  चाहते  हैं  की  अपना   सारा  ध्यान  लड़ाई  के  मोर्चों  और   भारत  के  अन्दर  क्रांति  लेन  के  काम  पर   लगाएं .  इसीलिए , हम  पूरी  तरह  आस्वस्थ  होना  चाहते  हैं  कि  हमारी  अनुपस्थिति   में  भी  यहाँ  का  काम  बिना  बाधा  के  सुचारू  रूप  से चलता  रहेगा .

मित्रों , एक  साल  पहले  जब  मैंने  आपसे  कुछ  मांगें   की  थी  , तब  मैंने  कहा  था  की  अगर  आप  मुझे  पूर्ण  संग्रहण  देंगे  तो  मैं  आपको  ’दूसरा  मोर्चा’  दूंगा . मैंने  उस  वचन  को  निभाया  है . हमारे  अभियान  का  पहला  चरण  ख़तम  हो  गया  है . हमारे  विजयी  सैनिक  जापानी  सैनिकों  के  साथ  कंधे  से  कन्धा  मिला  कर  लड़  रहे  हैं , उन्होंने  दुश्मन को  पीछे  ढकेल  दिया  है  और  अब बहादुरी से अपनी मात्रभूमि की पावन धरती पर लड़ रहे हैं.

आगे जो काम है उसके लिए अपनी कमर कस लीजिये. मैंने मेन,मनी,मटेरिअल के लिए कहा था. मुझे वो पर्याप्त मात्र में मिल गए हैं. अब मुझे आप चाहियें. मेन ,मनी मटेरिअल अपने आप में जीत या स्वतंत्रता नहीं दिला सकते. हमारे अन्दर प्रेरणा की शक्ति होनी चाहिए जो हमें वीरतापूर्ण और साहसिक कार्य करने के लिए प्रेरित करे.

सिर्फ ऐसी इच्छा रखना की अब भारत स्वतंत्र हो जायेगा क्योंकि विजय अब हमारी पहुंच में है एक घातक गलती होगी. किसी के अन्दर स्वतंत्रता का आनंद लेने के लिए जीने की इच्छा नहीं होनी चाहिए. हमारे सामने अभी भी एक लम्बी लड़ाई है.

आज हमारे अन्दर बस एक ही इच्छा होनी चाहिए- मरने की इच्छा ताकि भारत जी सके- एक शहीद की मृत्यु की इच्छा, ताकि स्वतंत्रता का पथ शहीदों के रक्त से प्रशस्त  हो सके. मित्रों! स्वतंत्रता संग्राम में भाग ले रहे मेरे साथियों ! आज मैं किसी भी चीज से ज्यादा आपसे एक चीज की मांग करता हूँ. मैं आपसे आपके खून की मांग करता हूँ. केवल खून ही दुश्मन द्वारा बहाए गए खून का बदला ले सकता है. सिर्फ ओर सिर्फ  खून ही ही आज़ादी की कीमत चुका सकता है.

तुम मुझे खून दो मैं तुम्हे आज़ादी दूंगा !
सुभाष चन्द्र बोस
4 July, 1944 , Burma